Nov 18 JDN 2458441
I don’t mean in a technical sense; there is a large literature in political science on better voting mechanisms, and this is basically a solved problem. Proportional representation, algorithmic redistricting, or (my personal favorite) reweighted range voting would eradicate gerrymandering forever.
No, I mean strategically and politically—how do we actually make this happen?
Let’s set aside the Senate. (No, really. Set it aside. Get rid of it. “Take my wife… please.”) The Senate should not exist. It is fundamentally anathema to the most basic principle of democracy, “one person, one vote”; and even its most ardent supporters at the time admitted it had absolutely no principled justification for existing. Smaller states are wildly overrepresented (Wyoming, 580,000 people, gets the same number of Senators as California, 39 million), and non-states are not represented (DC has more people than Wyoming, and Puerto Rico has more people than Iowa). The “Senate popular vote” thus doesn’t really make sense as a concept. But this is not “gerrymandering”, as there is no redistricting process that can be used strategically to tilt voting results in favor of one party or another.
It is in the House of Representatives that gerrymandering is a problem.
North Carolina is a particularly extreme example. Republicans won 50.3% of the popular vote in this year’s House election; North Carolina has 13 seats; so, any reasonable person would think that the Republicans should get 7 of the 13 seats. Under algorithmic redistricting, they would have received 8 of 13 seats. Under proportional representation, they would have received, you guessed it, exactly 7. And under reweighted range voting? Well, that depends on how much people like each party. Assuming that Democrats and Republicans are about equally strong in their preferences, we would also expect the Republicans to win about 7. They in fact received 10 of 13 seats.
Indeed, as FiveThirtyEight found, this is almost the best the Republicans could possibly have done, if they had applied the optimal gerrymandering configuration. There are a couple of districts on the real map that occasionally swing which wouldn’t under the truly optimal gerrymandering; but none of these would flip Democrat more than 20% of the time.
Most states are not as gerrymandered as North Carolina. But there is a pattern you’ll notice among the highly-gerrymandered states.
Alabama is close to optimally gerrymandered for Republicans.
Arkansas is close to optimally gerrymandered for Republicans.
Idaho is close to optimally gerrymandered for Republicans.
Mississippi is close to optimally gerrymandered for Republicans.
As discussed, North Carolina is close to optimally gerrymandered for Republicans.
South Carolina is close to optimally gerrymandered for Republicans.Texas is close to optimally gerrymandered for Republicans.
Wisconsin is close to optimally gerrymandered for Republicans.
Tennessee is close to optimally gerrymandered for Democrats.
Arizona is close to algorithmic redistricting.
California is close to algorithmic redistricting.
Connecticut is close to algorithmic redistricting.
Michigan is close to algorithmic redistricting.
Missouri is close to algorithmic redistricting.
Ohio is close to algorithmic redistricting.
Oregon is close to algorithmic redistricting.
Illinois is close to algorithmic redistricting, with some bias toward Democrats.
Kentucky is close to algorithmic redistricting, with some bias toward Democrats.
Louisiana is close to algorithmic redistricting, with some bias toward Democrats.
Maryland is close to algorithmic redistricting, with some bias toward Democrats.
Minnesota is close to algorithmic redistricting, with some bias toward Republicans.
New Jersey is close to algorithmic redistricting, with some bias toward Republicans.
Pennsylvania is close to algorithmic redistricting, with some bias toward Republicans.
Colorado is close to proportional representation.
Florida is close to proportional representation.
Iowa is close to proportional representation.
Maine is close to proportional representation.
Nebraska is close to proportional representation.
Nevada is close to proportional representation.
New Hampshire is close to proportional representation.
New Mexico is close to proportional representation.
Washington is close to proportional representation.
Georgia is somewhere between proportional representation and algorithmic redistricting.
Indiana is somewhere between proportional representation and algorithmic redistricting.
New York is somewhere between proportional representation and algorithmic redistricting.
Virginia is somewhere between proportional representation and algorithmic redistricting.
Hawaii is so overwhelmingly Democrat it’s impossible to gerrymander.
Rhode Island is so overwhelmingly Democrat it’s impossible to gerrymander.
Kansas is so overwhelmingly Republican it’s impossible to gerrymander.
Oklahoma is so overwhelmingly Republican it’s impossible to gerrymander.
Utah is so overwhelmingly Republican it’s impossible to gerrymander.
West Virginia is so overwhelmingly Republican it’s impossible to gerrymander.
You may have noticed the pattern. Most states are either close to algorithmic redistricting (14), close to proportional representation (9), or somewhere in between those (4). Of these, 4 are slightly biased toward Democrats and 3 are slightly biased toward Republicans.
6 states are so partisan that gerrymandering isn’t really possible there.
6 states are missing from the FiveThirtyEight analysis; I think they couldn’t get good data on them.
Of the remaining 9 states, 1 is strongly gerrymandered toward Democrats (gaining a whopping 1 seat, by the way), and 8 are strongly gerrymandered toward Republicans.
If we look at the nation as a whole, switching from the current system to proportional representation would increase the number of Democrat seats from 168 to 174 (+6), decrease the number of Republican seats from 195 to 179 (-16), and increase the number of competitive seats from 72 to 82 (+10).
Going to algorithmic redistricting instead would reduce the number of Democrat seats from 168 to 151 (-17), decrease the number of Republican seats from 195 to 180 (-15), and increase the number of competitive seats from 72 to a whopping 104 (+32).
Proportional representation minimizes wasted votes and best represents public opinion (with the possible exception of reweighted range voting, which we can’t really forecast because it uses more expressive information than what polls currently provide). It is thus to be preferred. Relative to the current system, proportional representation would decrease the representation of Republicans relative to Democrats by 24 seats—over 5% of the entire House.
Thus, let us not speak of gerrymandering as a “both sides” sort of problem. There is a very clear pattern here: Gerrymandering systematically favors Republicans.
Yet this does not answer the question I posed: How do we actually fix this?
The answer is going to sound a bit paradoxical: We must motivate voters to vote more so that voters will be better represented.
I have an acquaintance who has complained about this apparently paradoxical assertion: How can we vote to make our votes matter? (He advocates using violence instead.)
But the key thing to understand here is that it isn’t that our votes don’t matter at all—it is merely that they don’t matter enough.
If we were living in an authoritarian regime with sham elections (as some far-left people I’ve spoken to actually seem to believe), then indeed voting would be pointless. You couldn’t vote out Saddam Hussein or Benito Mussolini, even though they both did hold “elections” to make you think you had some voice. At that point, yes, obviously the only remaining choices are revolution or foreign invasion. (It does seem worth noting that both regimes fell by the latter, not the former.)
The US has not fallen that far just yet.
Votes in the US do not count evenly—but they do still count.
We have to work harder than our opponents for the same level of success, but we can still succeed.
Our legs may be shackled to weights, but they are not yet chained to posts in the ground.
Indeed, several states in this very election passed referenda to create independent redistricting commissions, and Democrats have gained at least 32 seats in the House—“at least” because some states are still counting mail-in ballots or undergoing recounts.
The one that has me on the edge of my seat is right here in Orange County, which several outlets (including the New York Times) have made preliminary projections in favor of Mimi Walters (R) but Nate Silver is forecasting higher probability for Katie Porter (D). It says “100% of precincts reporting”, but there are still as many ballots uncounted as there are counted, because California now has almost twice as many voters who vote by mail than in person.
Unfortunately, some of the states that are most highly gerrymandered don’t allow citizen-sponsored ballot initiatives (North Carolina, for instance). This is likely no coincidence. But this still doesn’t make us powerless. If your state is highly gerrymandered, make noise about it. Join or even organize protests. Write letters to legislators. Post on social media. Create memes.
Even most Republican voters don’t believe in gerrymandering. They want to win fair and square. Even if you can’t get them to vote for the candidates you want, reach out to them to get them to complain to their legislators about the injustice of the gerrymandering itself. Appeal to their patriotic values; election manipulation is clearly not what America stands for.
If your state is not highly gerrymandered, think bigger. We should be pushing for a Constitutional amendment implementing either proportional representation or algorithmic redistricting. The majority of states already have reasonably fair districts; if we can get 2/3 of the House and 2/3 of the Senate to agree on such an amendment, we don’t need to win North Carolina or Mississippi.