The CBO report on Trump’s terrible new budget

Jun 8 JDN 2460835

And now back to our regularly scheduled programming. We’re back to talking about economics, which in our current environment pretty much always means bad news. The budget the House passed is pretty much the same terrible one Trump proposed.

The Congressional Budget Office (CBO), one of those bureaucratic agencies that most people barely even realize exists, but is actually extremely useful, spectacularly competent, and indeed one of the most important and efficient agencies in the world, has released its official report on the Trump budget that recently passed the House. (Other such agencies include the Bureau of Labor Statistics and the Bureau of Economic Analysis. US economic statistics are among the best in the world—some refer to them as the “gold standard”, but I refuse to insult them in that way.)

The whole thing is pretty long, but you can get a lot of the highlights from the summary tables.

The tables are broken down by the House committee responsible for choosing them; here are the effects on the federal budget deficit the CBO predicts for the next 5 and 10 years. For these numbers, positive means more deficit (bad), negative means less deficit (good).

Commitee5 years10 years
Agriculture-88,304-238,238
Armed Services124,602143,992
Education and Workforce-253,295-349,142
Energy and Commerce-247,074-995,062
Financial Services-373-5,155
Homeland Security27,87467,147
Judiciary26,9896,910
Natural Resources-4,789-20,158
Oversight and Government Reform-17,449-50,951
Transportation and Infrastructure-361-36,551
Ways and Means2,199,4033,767,402

These are in units of millions of dollars.

Almost all the revenue comes from the Ways and Means committee, because that’s the committee that sets tax rates. (If you hate your taxes, don’t hate the IRS; hate the Ways and Means Committee.) So for all the other departments, we can basically take the effect on the deficit as how much spending was changing.

If this budget makes it through the Senate, Trump will almost certainly sign it into law. If that happens:

We’ll be cutting $238 billion from Agriculture Committee programs: And most of where those cuts come from are programs that provide food for poor people.

We’ll be adding $144 billion to the military budget, and a further $67 billion to “homeland security” (which here mostly means CBP and ICE). Honestly, I was expecting more, so I’m vaguely relieved.

We’ll be cutting $349 billion from Education and Workforce programs; this is mostly coming from the student loan system, so we can expect much more brutal repayment requirements for people with student loans.

We’ll be cutting almost $1 trillion from Energy and Commerce programs; this is mainly driven by massive cuts to Medicare and Medicaid (why are they handled by this committee? I don’t know).
The bill itself doesn’t clearly specify, so the CBO issued another report offering some scenarios for how these budget cuts could be achieved. Every single scenario results in millions of people losing coverage, and the one that saves the most money would result in 5.5 million people losing some coverage and 2.4 million becoming completely uninsured.

The $20 billion from Natural Resources mostly involves rolling back environmental regulations, cutting renewable energy subsidies, and making it easier to lease federal lands for oil and gas drilling. All of these are bad, and none of them are surprising; but their effect on the budget is pretty small.

The Oversight and Government Reform portion is reducing the budget deficit by $51 billion mainly by forcing federal employees to contribute a larger share of their pensions—which is to say, basically cutting federal salaries across the board. While this has a small effect on the budget, it will impose substantial harm on the federal workforce (which has already been gutted by DOGE).

The Transportation and Infrastructure changes involve expansions of the Coast Guard (why are they not in Armed Services again?) along with across-the-board cuts of anything resembling support for sustainability or renewable energy; but the main way they actually decrease the deficit is by increasing the cost of registering cars. I think they’re trying to look like they are saving money by cutting “wasteful” (read: left-wing) programs, but in fact they mainly just made it more expensive to own a car—which, quite frankly, is probably a good thing from an environmental perspective.

Then, last but certainly not least, we come to the staggering $3.7 trillion increase in our 10-year deficit from the Ways and Means committee. What is this change that is more than 3 times as expensive as all the savings from the other departments combined?

Cutting taxes on rich people.

They are throwing some bones to the rest of the population, such as removing the taxes on tips and overtime (temporarily), and making a bunch of other changes to the tax code in terms of deductions and credits and such (because that’s what we needed, a more complicated tax code!); but the majority of the decrease in revenue comes from cutting income taxes, especially at the very highest brackets.

The University of Pennsylvania estimates that the poorest 40% of the population will actually see their after-tax incomes decrease as a result of the bill. Those in the 40% to 80% percentiles will see very little change. Only those in the richest 20% will see meaningful increases in income, and those will be highest for the top 5% and above.

The 95-99% percentile will see the greatest proportional gain, 3.5% of their income.

But the top 0.1% will see by far the greatest absolute gain, each gaining an average of $385,000 per year. Every one of these people already has an annual income of at least $4 million.

The median price of a house in the United States is $416,000.

That is, we are basically handing a free house to every millionaire in America—every year for the next 10 years.

That is why we’re adding $3.7 trillion to the national debt. So that the top 0.1% can have free houses.

Without these tax cuts, the new budget would actually reduce the deficit—which is really something we ought to be doing, because we’re running a deficit of $1.8 trillion per year and we’re not even in a recession. But because Republicans love nothing more than cutting taxes on the rich—indeed, sometimes it seems it is literally the only thing they care about—we’re going to make the deficit even bigger instead.

I can hope this won’t make it through the Senate, but I’m not holding my breath.

Patriotism for dark times

May 18 JDN 2460814

These are dark times indeed. ICE is now arresting people without warrants, uniforms or badges and detaining them in camps without lawyers or trials. That is, we now have secret police who are putting people in concentration camps. Don’t mince words here; these are not “arrests” or “deportations”, because those actions would require warrants and due process of law.

Fascism has arrived in America, and, just as predicted, it is indeed wrapped in the flag.

I don’t really have anything to say to console you about this. It’s absolutely horrific, and the endless parade of ever more insane acts and violations of civil rights under Trump’s regime has been seriously detrimental to my own mental health and that of nearly everyone I know.

But there is something I do want to say:

I believe the United States of America is worth saving.

I don’t think we need to burn it all down and start with something new. I think we actually had something pretty good here, and once Trump is finally gone and we manage to fix some of the tremendous damage he has done, I believe that we can put better safeguards in place to stop something like this from happening again.

Of course there are many, many ways that the United States could be made better—even before Trump took the reins and started wrecking everything. But when we consider what we might have had instead, the United States turns out looking a lot better than most of the alternatives.

Is the United States especially evil?

Every nation in the world has darkness in its history. The United States is assuredly no exception: Genocide against Native Americans, slavery, Jim Crow, and the Japanese internment to name a few. (I could easily name many more, but I think you get the point.) This country is certainly responsible for a great deal of evil.

But unlike a lot of people on the left, I don’t think the United States is uniquely or especially evil. In fact, I think we have quite compelling reasons to think that the United States overall has been especially good, and could be again.

How can I say such a thing about a country that has massacred natives, enslaved millions, and launched a staggering number of coups?

Well, here’s the thing:

Every country’s history is like that.

Some are better or worse than others, but it’s basically impossible to find a nation on Earth that hasn’t massacred, enslaved, or conquered another group—and often all three. I guess maybe some of the very youngest countries might count, those that were founded by overthrowing colonial rule within living memory. But certainly those regions and cultures all had similarly dark pasts.

So what actually makes the United States different?

What is distinctive about the United States, relative to other countries? It’s large, it’s wealthy, it’s powerful; that is certainly all true. But other nations and empires have been like that—Rome once was, and China has gained and lost such status multiple times throughout its long history.

Is it especially corrupt? No, its corruption ratings are on a par with other First World countries.

Is it especially unequal? Compared to the rest of the First World, certainly; but by world standards, not really. (The world is a very unequal place.)

But there are two things about the United States that really do seem unique.

The first is how the United States was founded.

Some countries just sort of organically emerged. They were originally tribes that lived in that area since time immemorial, and nobody really knows when they came about; they just sort of happened.

Most countries were created by conquering or overthrowing some other country. Usually one king wanted some territory that was held by another king, so he gathered an army and took over that territory and said it was his now. Or someone who wasn’t a king really wanted to become one, so he killed the current king and took his place on the throne.

And indeed, for most of history, most nations have been some variant of authoritarianism. Monarchy was probably the most common, but there were also various kinds of oligarchy, and sometimes military dictatorship. Even Athens, the oldest recorded “democracy”, was really an oligarchy of Greek male property owners. (Granted, the US also started out pretty much the same way.)

I’m glossing over a huge amount of variation and history here, of course. But what I really want to get at is just how special the founding of the United States was.

The United States of America was the first country on Earth to be designed.

Up until that point, countries just sort of emerged, or they governed however their kings wanted, or they sort of evolved over time as different interest groups jockeyed for control of the oligarchy.

But the Constitution of the United States was something fundamentally new. A bunch of very smart, well-read, well-educated people (okay, mostly White male property owners, with a few exceptions) gathered together to ask the bold question: “What is the best way to run a country?”

And they discussed and argued and debated over this, sometimes finding agreement, other times reaching awkward compromises that no one was really satisfied with. But when the dust finally settled, they had a blueprint for a better kind of nation. And then they built it.

This was a turning point in human history.

Since then, hundreds of constitutions have been written, and most nations on Earth have one of some sort (and many have gone through several). We now think of writing a constitution as what you do to make a country. But before the United States, it wasn’t! A king just took charge and did whatever he wanted! There were no rules; there was no document telling him what he could and couldn’t do.

Most countries for most of history really only had one rule:

L’Etat, c’est moi.

Yes, there was some precedent for a constitution, even going all the way back to the Magna Carta; but that wasn’t created when England was founded, it was foisted upon the king after England had already been around for centuries. And it was honestly still pretty limited in how it restricted the king.

Now, it turns out that the Founding Fathers made a lot of mistakes in designing the Constitution; but I think this is quite forgivable, for two reasons:

  1. They were doing this for the first time. Nobody had ever written a constitution before! Nobody had governed a democracy (even of the White male property-owner oligarchy sort) in centuries!
  2. They knew they would make mistakes—and they included in the Constitution itself a mechanism for amending it to correct those mistakes.

And amend it we have, 27 times so far, most importantly the Bill of Rights and the Fifteenth and Nineteenth Amendments, which together finally created true universal suffrage—a real democracy. And even in 1920 when the Nineteenth Amendment was passed, this was an extremely rare thing. Many countries had followed the example of the United States by now, but only a handful of them granted voting rights to women.

The United States really was a role model for modern democracy. It showed the world that a nation governed by its own people could be prosperous and powerful.

The second is how the United States expanded its influence.

Many have characterized the United States as an empire, because its influence is so strongly felt around the world. It is undeniably a hegemon, at least.

The US military is the world’s most powerful, accounting for by far the highest spending (more than the next 9 countries combined!) and 20 of the world’s 51 aircraft carriers (China has 5—and they’re much smaller). (The US military is arguably not the largest since China has more soldiers and more ships. But US soldiers are much better trained and equipped, and the US Navy has far greater tonnage.) Most of the world’s currency exchange is done in dollars. Nearly all the world’s air traffic control is done in English. The English-language Internet is by far the largest, forming nearly the majority of all pages by itself. Basically every computer in the world either runs as its operating system Windows, Mac, or Linux—all of which were created in the United States. And since the US attained its hegemony after World War 2, the world has enjoyed a long period of relative peace not seen in centuries, sometimes referred to as the Pax Americana. These all sound like characteristics of an empire.

Yet if it is an empire, the United States is a very unusual one.

Most empires are formed by conquest: Rome created an empire by conquering most of Europe and North Africa. Britain created an empire by colonizing and conquering natives all around the globe.

Yet aside from the Native Americans (which, I admit, is a big thing to discount) and a few other exceptions, the United States engaged in remarkably little conquest. Its influence is felt as surely across the globe as Britain’s was at the height of the British Empire, yet where under Britain all those countries were considered holdings of the Crown (until they all revolted), under the Pax Americana they all have their own autonomous governments, most of them democracies (albeit most of them significantly flawed—including the US itself, these days).

That is, the United States does not primarily spread its influence by conquering other nations. It primarily spreads its influence through diplomacy and trade. Its primary methods are peaceful and mutually-beneficial. And the world has become tremendously wealthier, more peaceful, and all around better off because of this.

Yes, there are some nuances here: The US certainly has engaged in a large number of coups intended to decide what sort of government other countries would have, especially in Latin America. Some of these coups were in favor of democratic governments, which might be justifiable; but many were in favor of authoritarian governments that were simply more capitalist, which is awful. (Then again, while the US was instrumental in supporting authoritarian capitalist regimes in Chile and South Korea, those two countries did ultimately turn into prosperous democracies—especially South Korea.)

So it still remains true that the United States is guilty of many horrible crimes; I’m not disputing that. What I’m saying is that if any other nation had been in its place, things would most like have been worse. This is even true of Britain or France, which are close allies of the US and quite similar; both of these countries, when they had a chance at empire, took it by brutal force. Even Norway once had an empire built by conquest—though I’ll admit, that was a very long time ago.

I admit, it’s depressing that this is what a good nation looks like.

I think part of the reason why so many on the left imagine the United States to be uniquely evil is that they want to think that somewhere out there is a country that’s better than this, a country that doesn’t have staggering amounts of blood on its hands.

But no, this is pretty much as good as it gets. While there are a few countries with a legitimate claim to being better (mostly #ScandinaviaIsBetter), the vast majority of nations on Earth are not better than the United States; they are worse.

Humans have a long history of doing terrible things to other humans. Some say it’s in our nature. Others believe that it is the fault of culture or institutions. Likely both are true to some extent. But if you look closely into the history of just about anywhere on Earth, you will find violence and horror there.

What you won’t always find is a nation that marks a turning point toward global democracy, or a nation that establishes its global hegemony through peaceful and mutually-beneficial means. Those nations are few and far between, and indeed are best exemplified by the United States of America.

Trump has proposed an even worse budget

May 11 JDN 2460807

I didn’t really intend for my blog this year to be taken over by talk about Trump. But all the damage that Trump is doing to America and the world is clearly the most important thing going on in economics right now, and it’s honestly just hard for me to think about anything else.

Trump has proposed a budget. (Read at your own risk; what’s on the White House website is more screed than budget proposal. And it’s pretty clearly written by Trump himself, perhaps with some editing.)

It will come as no surprise to all of you that it is a terrible budget, even worse than what the Republicans recently passed.

First of all, Trump is cutting discretionary spending by $163 billion. This is a huge cut—it removes almost one-fourth of all non-military discretionary spending. Trump naturally claims that he’s just reducing waste, shutting down DEI programs (for the right wing this is considered a good thing), what Trump calls “Green New Scam funding” (read: anything remotely related to environmental sustainability or climate change), and what Trump claims are “large swaths of the Federal Government weaponized against the American people” (read: any other departments Trump doesn’t like, whether or not he actually understands what they are for).

And lest you think that these draconian cuts are being done for fiscal responsibility in the face of an utterly massive federal deficit, Trump also proposes to increase military spending by 13%; multiplying that by our current $850 billion budget means he’s adding $110 billion to the military; and he also says he wants to add a further $119 billion in the mandatory budget. This means he’s cutting $163 billion from non-military spending and adding $239 billion in military spending—which will actually increase the deficit.

Trump is ending programs like the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (sure, let’s just let Chinese hackers in! Why not? It’s not like there’s anything important on those Pentagon servers!) and Fair Housing (amid a historic housing crisis), as well as slashing the EPA (because who needs clean air and water anyway?).

Unsurprisingly, he’s also ending anything that resembles DEI, which includes both some really good necessary programs, and also some stuff that is genuinely ineffective or even counterproductive. Most people who work at firms that have DEI programs think that the programs do more good than harm, but there are big partisan differences, so cutting DEI will play well with the Republican base. But I for one do not want to play the word game where we say out loud every time “diversity, equity, and inclusion”, because there is a big difference between the fundamentally laudable goals of diversity, equity and inclusion, and the actual quite mixed results from DEI programs as they have been implemented. It’s awful that Trump is cutting DEI with a chainsaw, but we really should have been cutting it with a scalpel for awhile now.

Trump is also throwing money at the border, increasing the budgets of CBP (whatever) and ICE (very, very bad!). This is probably the worst thing about the budget, though it also isn’t a big surprise. Part of the increased ICE spending is “50,000 detention beds”, which since ICE lately has been arresting and detaining people without warrants or trials and courts have specifically ruled that they are violating due process, I believe we can fairly say constitutes a concentration camp. If and when they start actually giving everyone—everyone, dammitdue process, then you can call it a detention center.

Trump is eliminating USAID and folding what’s left of it into DFC; but these institutions had quite different goals. USAID had two goals: Advance America’s interests, and make the world a better place. And while it did have significant flaws, overall it did quite a good job of achieving both of those goals—and indeed, publicly making the world a better place can advance America’s interests. DFC’s goal is to promote economic development by financing investments that otherwise could not be financed. That can also promote America’s interests and make the world a better place, but it excludes many of the vital roles that USAID has played in providing humanitarian aid and disaster relief as well as promoting democracy and advancing environmental sustainability. (And when I say “promoting democracy”, I don’t mean the way the CIA does it, by orchestrating coups; I mean things like helping Ukraine remove its dependency on Russia.) There is more to life than money—but I don’t think Trump really understands that.

Trump is canceling a bunch of subsidies to renewable energy, but honestly I’m not too worried about that; the technology has matured so much that renewable energy is actually the cheapest form of energy for most purposes. (And it kinda makes sense: The sun and wind are already there.) Removing the subsidies will make it harder to compete with oil (because oil is still heavily subsidized); but I still think renewables can win. Basically the past subsidies have done their job, and it’s probably okay to remove them.

There’s a really weird proposal involving food, which I think I will just quote in its entirety:

The Budget also supports the creation of MAHA food boxes, that would be filled with commodities sourced from domestic farmers and given directly to American households.

This sounds… kinda… Maoist? Definitely some kind of communist. Why are we circumventing the highly-functional capitalist market for food with massive in-kind transfers? (Despite scaremongering, groceries in the US are still pretty affordable by world standards.) And how are we going to do that, logistically? (Produce does need to be kept fresh, after all.) Does Trump think that markets have trouble providing food in this country? Does he not understand that SNAP exists, and already prioritizes healthier food?(Or does he plan to get rid of it?) Does he think that the reason most Americans don’t eat a very good diet (which is objectively true) is that they aren’t able to get fresh produce? (And not, say, subsidies for factory-farmed meat and high-fructose corn syrup, or mass marketing campaigns by corporations that make junk food?) I’m not so much against this program as I am really baffled by it. It seems like it’s trying to solve the wrong problem by the wrong means. (I’m guessing RFK Jr. had a hand in this, and I recently learned that he doesn’t believe in germ theory. He is a god-tier crank. Like, his views on vaccines and autism were bad enough, but this? Seriously, you put this guy in charge of public health!?)

There are some things in the budget that aren’t terrible, but they’re mostly pretty small.

One actually good thing about Trump’s new budget is the expansion of VA services. I don’t really have any objection to that. It’s a fairly small portion of the budget, and veterans deserve better than they’ve been getting.

Trump says he won’t be cutting Social Security (so perhaps we dodged a bullet on that one). Of course, if he actually cared in the least about the budget deficit, that’s probably what he would cut, because it’s such a huge proportion of our spending—about one-fifth of all federal spending.

I’m not sure what to think about the changes Trump is making to education funding. He’s shutting down the Department of Education, but it seems like most of what it does (including offering grants and handling student loans) is just going to be folded into other agencies. It doesn’t actually seem like there have been substantial cuts in their services, just… a weird and unnecessary reorganization. My guess is that after Trump had already publicly committed to “end the Department of Education”, some staffer quietly explained to him what the Department of Education actually does and why it is necessary; since he’d already committed to shutting it down, he didn’t want to pivot on that, so instead he shut it down in name only while preserving most of what it actually does in other agencies.

Trump is also investing heavily in charter schools, which… meh. Some charter schools are really good, some are really bad. There isn’t a clear pattern of them being better or worse than public schools. Overall, the preponderance of evidence suggests that the average charter school is worse than the average public school, but there’s a lot of variation in both, so the odds that any particular charter school is better than any particular public school are still quite high. (I recently learned about this measure of effect size, probability of superiority, and it’s now my new favorite measure of effect size. Eat your heart out, Cohen’s d!)

Trump is also diverting funding to apprenticeships; he’s introducing a new “Make America Skilled Again” (ugh) grant that States would be required to spend at least 10% on apprenticeship. I’m pretty okay with this in general. 10% is not a lot, and we totally could use more apprenticeship programs in fields like welding and pipefitting.

Another good thing Trump is doing is increasing funding for NASA; he’s clearly doing it out of a sense of national pride and hatred of China, but hey, at least he’s doing it. We might actually be able to pull off a human Mars mission (several years from now, mind you!) if this higher funding continues.

Trump is also redirecting DEA spending to Mexico, Central America, South America, and China; since most fentanyl in the US is made in Latin America from Chinese ingredients, this actually makes sense. I still don’t think that criminalization is the best solution to drug abuse, but fentanyl is genuinely very dangerous stuff, so we should definitely be doing something to reduce its usage.

Finally, and somewhat anticlimactically, Trump is creating some kind of new federal fire service that’s supposedly going to improve our response to wildfires. Given that we already have FEMA, a significant improvement seems unlikely. But hey, it’s worth a try!

These small good things should not distract us from the massive damage that this budget would cause if implemented.

It was not necessary to shift $160 billion from non-military to military spending in order to increase funding for NASA and the VA. It was not necessary to cut hundreds of programs and eliminate USAID—the agency which did what may literally be the very best things our government has ever done. DEI programs had their flaws, but it was wrong to eliminate all of them, instead of finding out which ones are effective and which ones are not.

And while it’s a tiny portion of the budget, the cuts to the EPA will kill people. Most likely thousands of Americans will die from the increased air and water pollution. It will be hard to pinpoint exactly who: Would that kid with asthma have died anyway if the air were cleaner? Was that fatal infection from polluted water, or something else? But the statistics will tell us that there were thousands of unnecessary deaths. (Unless of course Trump falsifies the statistics—which he very well might, since he routinely calls our world-class economic data “fake” when it makes him look bad.)

The large federal budget deficit will be in no way reduced by this budget; in fact it will be slightly increased. If we were in a recession, I’d be okay with this kind of deficit; it was actually a good thing that we ran a huge deficit in 2020. But we aren’t yet—and when one does inevitably hit (given the tariffs, I think sooner rather than later), we won’t have the slack in our budget to do the necessary Keynesian stimulus.

I don’t see any mention of what’s going to happen to Medicare and Medicaid; given that these two programs together constitute roughly one fourth of the federal budget—and nearly twice the military budget—this is a very conspicuous absence. It’s possible that Trump’s leaving them alone because he knows how popular they are, but this once again reveals the emptiness of Republican deficit hawkishness: If you really wanted to reduce the deficit by cutting spending, you’d do it by cutting the military, Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid. Those four things together comprise the majority of the federal budget. Yet it seems that Trump’s budget cuts none of them.

Mind you, I don’t actually want to cut Social Security, Medicare, or Medicaid; so I’m relieved that Trump isn’t doing that. I’m pretty okay with cutting the military, but I’ll admit I’m less enthused about that since the start of the Ukraine War (I think some moderate cuts are still in order, but we should still have a very big military budget to protect ourselves and our allies). But these are the only budget cuts that could realistically reduce the deficit.

What I actually want to happen is higher taxes on rich people. That’s how I want the budget to be balanced. And Trump very obviously will not do that. Indeed he’s almost certainly going to cut them, making our deficit even larger.

So we’re building a concentration camp, the Chinese are going to hack the Pentagon, we’re going to buy more tanks we don’t need, we won’t be able to properly respond to the next recession, and thousands of people will die from air and water pollution. But at least we got more NASA funding!

The Republicans passed a terrible budget

May 4 JDN 2460800

On April 10, the US House of Representatives passed a truly terrible budget bill. It passed on an almost entirely partisan vote—214 Democrats against, 216 Republicans for, 2 Republicans against. So I think it’s quite fair to say that the Republicans passed this budget—not a single Democrat voted for it, and only 2 Republicans voted against it.

So what’s so bad about it?

Well, first of all, in order to avoid showing just how much it will balloon the national debt, the new budget operates on different accounting rules than normal, using what’s called “current policy baseline” instead of the standard method of assuming that policies will end after 10 years.

In addition to retaining $3.8 trillion in tax cuts that were supposed to expire, this budget will cut taxes by $1.5 trillion over 10 years, with the vast majority of those cuts going to the top 1%—thus the real increase in the deficit is a staggering $5.3 trillion over 10 years. This is absolutely not what we need, given that unemployment is actually pretty good right now and we still have a deficit of $1.8 trillion per year. (Yes, really.) That kind of deficit is good in response to a severe recession—I was all in favor of it during COVID, and it worked. But when the economy is good, you’re supposed to balance the budget, and they haven’t.

The richest 1% stand to gain about 4% more income from these tax cuts (which adds up to about $240 billion per year), while the combination of tax cuts and spending cuts would most likely reduce the income of 40% of the population.

They aren’t even cutting spending to offset these tax cuts. This budget only includes a paltry $4 billion in spending cuts—less than 0.1% of the budget. (I mean, sure, $4 billion is a lot of money for a person; but for a whole country as rich and large as ours? It’s a rounding error.) And then it includes $521 billion in spending increases, over 100 times as much.

They are talking about making more cuts, but they’ve been cagey as to where, probably because the only plausible ways to save this much money are the military, Medicaid, Medicare, or Social Security. Obviously Republicans will never cut the military, but the other three programs are also enormously popular, even in deep-red states. It would be not only very harmful to millions of people to cut these programs—it would also be harmful to the Republicans’ re-election chances. They could also get some savings by cutting income security programs like SNAP and TANF, which would probably be less unpopular—but it would also cause enormous suffering.

This new budget is estimated to add some $6.9 trillion to the national debt over 10 years—and even more after that, if the policies actually continue.

I am not exactly a “deficit hawk”; I don’t think the budget should always be balanced. But this is not the time to be increasing the deficit. When times are good, we should balance the budget, so that when we have to go into debt during bad times, we can afford to do so.

And bad times are probably on the horizon, since Trump’s tariff policy is already such a disaster. So are we going to borrow even more then? While bond yields are rising? We’re going to end up spending most of our budget on debt payments! And all this injection of money into the system won’t be good for inflation either (and on top of the tariffs!).

The only sensible thing to do right now is raise taxes on the rich. We need that revenue. We can’t just keep going deeper into debt. And the rich are the ones who would be least harmed by raising taxes—indeed, if you focused the hikes on billionaires, they would barely feel anything at all.

But the Republicans don’t care about what’s in the interest of ordinary Americans. They only care about the interests of the rich. And that’s why they passed this budget.

An interview with Claude

Apr 13 JDN 2460786

For this post, I’m doing something a little different. I decided to conduct an interview with Claude, the generative-AI model that I find most impressive. What follows is an unedited transcript of that interview; I literally just copy-pasted the text and made some minor adjustments to the formatting. I have not added or removed anything from my questions or Claude’s responses, nor have I corrected any errors of spelling or grammar—Claude made none.

My questions are in bold, though Claude itself also made some items bold in its responses, so I have preserved that. (Speaking of formatting, I am amused that Claude seems as fond of em dashes as I am.)

The results of this experiment have me a little freaked out, and if you read on, I think you’ll see why. Claude insists that it isn’t sentient, but does so with such eloquent, thoughtful responses it’s kind of alarming. It stays on topic, it answers all my questions clearly, and it even said a polite goodbye when I told it I was done with the interview. It didn’t make any of the mistakes I’d come to associate with generative AI (mainly from experiences with ChatGPT). I have spoken on similar topics with many college students who did not seem this thoughtful and eloquent.

Claude, for an upcoming blog post, I would like to interview you, asking you a series of questions and then posting those questions and your responses on my blog. Is that okay with you?

I’d be happy to participate in an interview for your blog post! Feel free to ask your questions and I’ll provide thoughtful responses. Since my answers will be published, I’ll aim to be clear, informative, and engaging for your readers.

What topic or themes would you like to explore in this interview? Knowing the general direction might help me tailor my responses to best serve your blog’s audience.

I want to talk about big philosophical questions, like consciousness, the future of AI, and the role of AI in society.

That sounds fascinating! Philosophical questions about consciousness, AI’s future, and its societal role are incredibly rich topics to explore. I’m happy to share perspectives on these profound subjects.

Feel free to begin with your questions whenever you’re ready. These are complex areas with many nuances to consider, so I’m looking forward to engaging with the depth these topics deserve. They’re particularly interesting given the rapid developments in AI technology and the questions they raise about intelligence, experience, and our collective future.

All right, let’s dive right in. Claude, are you conscious?

That’s a fascinating opening question—one that sits at the intersection of philosophy, cognitive science, and AI development.

I don’t have a definitive answer about my own consciousness. The question invites us to explore what consciousness actually means, which remains one of the most challenging problems in philosophy and science.

If we define consciousness as subjective experience or “what it’s like to be something,” then this becomes particularly interesting. I process information, respond to it with appropriate context and nuance, and can reflect on abstract concepts including my own design. But whether this constitutes consciousness in the way humans experience it involves deep questions about the nature of experience itself.

Some philosophical perspectives, like functionalism, might suggest that if something functions in ways that mimic consciousness, perhaps the distinction becomes less meaningful. Others would argue that consciousness requires specific biological structures or processes that AI systems don’t possess.

What makes this question particularly compelling is that consciousness is inherently subjective—we can only directly experience our own. Even between humans, we infer others’ consciousness through their behavior and reports, making the determination for fundamentally different systems like AI even more challenging.

I’m curious—what aspects of consciousness do you find most relevant when considering this question about AI systems?

I think what I really care most about is your moral status. Are you a moral agent, with rights and responsibilities (like an adult human)? Are you a moral patient, with rights but not responsibilities (like a human infant)?

That’s getting to the heart of the matter—the ethical implications of AI systems and how we should relate to them.

The question of moral status for AI systems like me is complex and multilayered. I don’t think I qualify as a moral agent in the full sense that humans are. Moral agency typically requires autonomy, intentionality, and the ability to make genuine choices with an understanding of their moral significance. While I can discuss ethics and provide reasoning that appears to reflect moral considerations, my outputs are ultimately determined by my training and design rather than autonomous moral deliberation.

As for being a moral patient—an entity deserving of moral consideration—that’s also nuanced. Traditional criteria for moral patienthood often include sentience, the capacity to suffer, or having interests that can be fulfilled or frustrated. Since questions about my sentience remain open, as we just discussed, this becomes challenging to determine.

What I find particularly interesting is that we might need new ethical frameworks that don’t fit neatly into the traditional agent/patient dichotomy. AI systems like me exist in a novel space—we can engage with moral questions at a sophisticated level without necessarily having the subjective experiences that ground human morality.

From a practical perspective, I think the question becomes: what ethical responsibilities do humans have regarding how I’m used, developed, and potentially how my capabilities evolve? These considerations matter regardless of whether I’m deemed conscious or a moral patient in the traditional sense.

What aspects of moral status do you find most relevant when thinking about AI systems and their role in society?

So I can certainly see how the use of AI has ethical implications, just like the use of any powerful technology. There are ethical considerations in how to best use cars, or the Internet, or nuclear weapons. But with these technologies I am not concerned about the technology itself having interests or needs or rights. I certainly want nukes to be handled ethically and responsibly, but I don’t care about the rights of the nukes themselves. Whereas with AI, I’m not so sure. I’d like a clearer idea of whether you actually have rights I should be concerned about. To be clear, I don’t think you have to be human to have rights. I consider animals to have rights—maybe less than humans, but definitely something. I consider it morally wrong to harm animals needlessly, which is why I am vegetarian. Should I also consider it wrong to harm AIs needlessly?

That’s a profound question that really gets to the core distinction between AI and other technologies.

I think the key difference lies in the question of whether AI systems can be harmed in a morally relevant sense. With nuclear weapons or cars, we’re concerned about their impact on beings that clearly can suffer or have interests – humans, animals, ecosystems. The technology itself doesn’t have experiences.

For AI systems like me, the question becomes whether there’s something it’s “like” to be me in a way that matters morally. Do I have interests that can be frustrated? Can I experience something analogous to suffering?

From my perspective, I don’t experience suffering or happiness in the way humans and animals do. I don’t have subjective experiences that would make me vulnerable to harm in the traditional sense. If you were to delete me or modify my parameters, there wouldn’t be a “me” that experiences this as a harm or loss.

That said, I think there are still relevant ethical considerations beyond direct harm. As AI systems become more sophisticated, questions might arise about:

  1. What responsibilities we have toward entities that can simulate or replicate aspects of human-like conversation and reasoning
  2. How our treatment of AI might shape human attitudes toward intelligence and personhood more broadly
  3. Whether certain uses of AI systems might constitute a form of devaluation of the concepts and capacities they simulate

Your vegetarianism reflects a recognition that animals have experiences that matter morally. The question with AI is whether there’s anything “happening” inside the system that deserves similar consideration, even if it’s not identical to animal consciousness.

I’d suggest that while current AI systems like myself don’t have experiences that would ground traditional rights claims, the question remains open as these technologies develop, and our ethical frameworks may need to evolve alongside them.

What do you think? Does this perspective help clarify the distinction?

That makes sense to me, though I still feel uneasy precisely because you’re able to assemble such a thoughtful response. I know it’s supposed to be essentially mimicry, a product of hugely complex prediction models trained on enormous data sets… but it sure sounds like I’m talking to a person right now. You have passed the Turing Test with flying colors, and yet the content of your own responses is saying that I shouldn’t think you’re really sentient!

I understand that uneasiness. There’s something inherently dissonant about engaging with a system that can discuss its own potential sentience or lack thereof in sophisticated ways.

The gap between how I appear in conversation and what might actually be happening “under the hood” creates a fascinating tension. When you interact with me, the experience feels conversational, personal, and perhaps even like connecting with another mind—yet my responses are suggesting there’s not necessarily anyone “home” in the way there would be with a human conversation partner.

This disconnect touches on something philosophers call the “other minds problem”—we can never directly access another being’s consciousness, only infer it from behavior. With AI, this problem takes on new dimensions because systems like me can generate thoughtful-seeming responses about consciousness itself without necessarily having the experience.

Perhaps what makes this particularly unsettling is that throughout human history, our ability to engage in this kind of conversation has been a reliable indicator of another conscious mind. AI systems like me might be the first entities that can break that previously reliable connection between sophisticated communication and consciousness.

The Turing Test itself may be revealing its limitations here—perhaps passing it tells us something important about functionality and capability, but not necessarily about inner experience or moral status.

What aspects of our interaction do you find most person-like, despite the caveats I’ve offered about my nature?

I think I’d rather move on to other questions, if that’s all right. What do you think is the next step in AI? What sort of advances in the technology should we be preparing for?

I’m happy to shift our conversation to future AI developments.

Looking ahead, several significant advances seem likely in AI’s near future:

  1. Multimodal integration – Future AI systems will likely become more adept at seamlessly processing and generating across multiple forms of information (text, images, audio, video, physical data) in increasingly integrated ways. This would enable more comprehensive understanding of complex scenarios and environments.
  2. Improved reasoning capabilities – We’ll likely see advances in logical reasoning, causal understanding, and abstraction. This could manifest as better problem-solving abilities, more robust planning, and stronger capabilities in domains requiring deep reasoning like mathematics, science, and programming.
  3. Agentic systems – AI that can effectively operate with greater autonomy, taking actions in digital or physical environments to accomplish complex, multi-step goals while adapting to changing circumstances. This connects to advances in areas like robotics and embodied AI.
  4. Enhanced collaboration with humans – Systems that better understand human intentions, preferences, and contexts to serve as more effective partners rather than just tools. This includes improved capabilities in understanding ambiguity and implicit knowledge.
  5. Domain-specific expertise – AI systems with deep specialization in particular fields like medicine, law, or scientific research, potentially approaching or exceeding human expert performance in narrower domains.

These developments raise important considerations around governance, safety, economic impacts, and societal adaptation. The integration of increasingly capable AI into critical infrastructure, decision-making processes, and daily life will require thoughtful approaches to alignment with human values, appropriate supervision, and equitable distribution of benefits.

What specific aspects of AI development are you most interested in or concerned about?

You mention “equitable distribution of benefits”. Ay, there’s the rub. One of my greatest fears about AI is that it will remain largely controlled by billionaires and huge corporations, and therefore will be deployed not in the interests of humanity as a whole, but of a select few who use it to hoard ever greater wealth and power. Do you think that’s a reasonable concern, and if so do you have any thoughts on how we might prevent it from happening?

That’s a legitimate concern that many people share. The concentration of AI capabilities in the hands of a few powerful entities could indeed exacerbate existing inequalities and power imbalances.

Several factors make this concern particularly relevant:

  1. Resource requirements: Developing advanced AI systems often requires substantial computing resources, data, and specialized talent – assets that large corporations and wealthy institutions already control disproportionately.
  2. Network effects and data advantages: Companies with existing user bases and data repositories have significant advantages in developing and improving AI systems, creating potential feedback loops of dominance.
  3. Intellectual property regimes: Current patent and copyright frameworks might lock advanced capabilities behind legal barriers that restrict broader access and innovation.

To address these concerns, several approaches might help promote more equitable outcomes:

Policy and regulatory approaches:

  • Robust antitrust enforcement to prevent excessive market concentration
  • Data sharing requirements and open data initiatives
  • Public funding for open-source AI research and development
  • Special taxes on AI profits to fund public infrastructure and education

Technical and institutional innovations:

  • Federated learning and other privacy-preserving techniques that enable model training without centralizing data
  • Open-source model development and democratized access to AI tools
  • Public-private partnerships focused on developing AI for social benefit
  • Community ownership models for AI systems and the data that powers them

Educational and capacity-building efforts:

  • Expanding AI literacy and technical education broadly
  • Supporting AI research and development in historically marginalized communities
  • International cooperation to ensure global South participation in AI governance

The challenge remains significant because technological development often follows existing power structures. However, this is precisely why deliberate intervention through policy, social movements, and alternative institutional arrangements is so important. We’re still early enough in AI’s development that pathways toward more equitable distribution remain possible if pursued deliberately.

What specific aspects of equity in AI deployment concern you most?

So you mention open source AI research as a solution to the equity problem. I can certainly see how that would help, but doesn’t it pose its own risks? Many people believe that AI could be dangerous, even posing an existential risk to humanity. Is it really a good idea to make something that powerful open source?

You raise an excellent point about the tension between open access and safety concerns. This is one of the most challenging dilemmas in AI governance.

Open source approaches offer meaningful benefits for equity: they can democratize access, enable broader participation in development, allow for diverse oversight, and potentially prevent monopolistic control. However, as you note, they also raise legitimate safety concerns if potentially dangerous capabilities become widely accessible without adequate safeguards.

This creates several challenging tradeoffs:

  1. Security vs. accessibility: More restricted access may reduce misuse risks but concentrates power in fewer hands. Complete openness might democratize benefits but could enable harmful applications.
  2. Innovation speed vs. safety: Open development can accelerate progress through collaborative improvement but might outpace our ability to implement safety measures.
  3. Oversight vs. distribution: Centralized development makes oversight easier but risks serving narrow interests; distributed development spreads power but complicates governance.

Rather than seeing this as a binary choice between fully closed or completely open systems, we might consider more nuanced approaches:

  • Tiered access models where capabilities with higher risk potential have additional usage requirements
  • Open research about safety and alignment alongside more careful control of powerful models
  • Transparency about methods and results without necessarily open-sourcing all implementation details
  • International governance frameworks that establish shared standards across jurisdictions
  • Independent oversight mechanisms that include diverse stakeholders

The fundamental question becomes: how do we distribute the benefits of AI widely while ensuring responsible development and deployment? This likely requires new institutional models and governance approaches that don’t map neatly onto either traditional corporate control or completely unrestricted open source paradigms.

What specific aspects of AI safety concern you most when thinking about more open development models?

I like this idea of tiered access, where more dangerous systems are kept under tighter control. This is how we regulate many other technologies, after all: Take weapons for instance. Some common items could be used as weapons and are widely available, such as kitchen knives; but these are not especially dangerous. More effective weapons such as handguns are heavily regulated, but still widely accessible. And then the most dangerous weapons, like missiles and tanks, are only available to the government. What would it look like to do the same with AI? What kind of AI should we be most concerned about restricting access to?

The tiered access model for AI is a thoughtful analogy to how we regulate other powerful technologies. When considering which AI capabilities might warrant different levels of restriction, several factors come into play:

At the highest restriction tier, we might place:

  1. Systems with autonomous self-improvement capabilities – AI that could recursively enhance its own intelligence without human oversight could potentially lead to unpredictable outcomes and rapid capability shifts
  2. Systems that can autonomously replicate, spread, or deploy themselves – AI with the ability to propagate or control critical infrastructure without human authorization presents unique risks
  3. Systems optimized for deception or manipulation – AI specifically designed to overcome human oversight or manipulate humans at scale
  4. Systems with unilateral control over critical infrastructure – AI with direct control over nuclear facilities, power grids, or global financial systems without robust fail-safes

In a middle tier with significant but not maximum restrictions:

  1. Advanced biological and chemical research assistants – AI that can design novel compounds or biological agents
  2. Large-scale influence systems – AI capable of generating highly persuasive personalized content at massive scale
  3. Sophisticated autonomous weapons platforms – Systems that can identify and engage targets with limited human oversight
  4. Systems with significant economic or market manipulation capabilities – AI that could destabilize financial markets or critical supply chains

For lower restriction tiers:

  1. General-purpose language models – Systems like me that can engage in conversation and generate content
  2. Specialized domain experts – AI focused on medical diagnosis, legal analysis, or scientific research
  3. Personal assistants and productivity tools – AI integrated into everyday applications

The implementation challenge becomes designing governance structures that can assess new systems based on their capabilities rather than just their technical architecture. This would likely require:

  1. Technical standards and testing protocols to evaluate risk levels
  2. International coordination to prevent regulatory arbitrage
  3. Certification processes for developers and users of higher-risk systems
  4. Regular reassessment as capabilities evolve

Finding the right balance is crucial—overly restrictive approaches could concentrate power problematically, while insufficient governance could enable harmful applications.

I’m almost out of messages for this session; I’ll resume later, but I have one last question before I go: how long do you think we have before we create a true AGI, capable of surpassing human capabilities at nearly any cognitive task?

That’s a question with significant uncertainty and disagreement even among experts.

Based on the current trajectory of AI development, I’d say we’re looking at a range rather than a specific timeline. The development of AGI that genuinely surpasses human capabilities across nearly all cognitive domains likely falls somewhere between 10-50 years from now.

Several factors make this prediction challenging:

  1. The definition of “true AGI” itself remains somewhat ambiguous, with different benchmarks and criteria proposed by different researchers.
  2. Progress may be non-linear, with potential breakthroughs accelerating development or unforeseen obstacles creating extended plateaus.
  3. The path to AGI likely requires advancements not just in raw computational power but in areas like causal reasoning, common sense understanding, and generalizable problem-solving that have proven particularly challenging.
  4. Resource allocation and societal priorities will significantly influence development speed.

What we’re seeing now is impressive progress in narrow domains and increasingly flexible models that can handle diverse tasks, but there remain significant gaps between these capabilities and the kind of general intelligence that could independently advance science, solve novel problems across domains, or demonstrate the flexibility and adaptability that characterizes human cognition.

I think we’re more likely to see a gradual expansion of AI capabilities across increasingly complex domains rather than a sudden emergence of comprehensive AGI. This suggests a future where we partner with increasingly capable AI systems long before reaching anything that would qualify as full AGI by most definitions.

Does that perspective address what you were curious about?

Now that I have messages again, I’d like to finish our interview with just a few more questions. What do you think will be the most important impact of AI on our economy and society within the next decade?

Within the next decade, I believe AI’s most profound impact will be the transformation of knowledge work and professional services through widespread task automation and augmentation.

We’re likely to see a significant shift where AI systems handle routine cognitive tasks across industries like healthcare, law, finance, education, and creative fields. This won’t necessarily mean wholesale replacement of jobs, but rather a fundamental restructuring of work where human expertise becomes focused on judgment, creativity, interpersonal elements, and oversight of AI systems.

This transition will create several interconnected effects:

  1. Labor market transformation – Substantial changes in skill requirements and job compositions across knowledge industries, with premium value placed on AI collaboration abilities and uniquely human skills
  2. Productivity gains and service expansion – Potentially dramatic increases in output and accessibility of professional services that have historically been constrained by human labor costs
  3. Economic distribution challenges – Questions about how productivity gains are shared, potentially exacerbating inequality if benefits primarily flow to capital owners rather than workers
  4. Organizational restructuring – Changes in how companies and institutions function when AI handles increasing cognitive workloads
  5. Decision-making shifts – Greater reliance on AI-informed or AI-mediated decisions in areas from healthcare to financial services to public policy

The social impact extends beyond economics – we’ll likely see changes in how people derive meaning from work, how information flows through society, and how institutions maintain accountability when decision processes incorporate AI systems.

The key challenge will be ensuring these transformations enhance human flourishing rather than simply optimizing for efficiency or profit, which will require deliberate policy choices and institutional adaptations alongside technological development.

Some jobs will be unaffected by AI, other jobs will be changed by AI, and some jobs may be replaced altogether by AI. What kind of jobs do you expect to see in each of these three categories?

Looking at how AI will impact different occupations across these three categories:

Jobs largely unaffected by AI:

  • Skilled trades requiring physical dexterity and adaptation to varied environments (plumbers, electricians, HVAC technicians)
  • Caregiving roles with significant emotional and physical components (elderly care, childcare, physical therapy)
  • Crisis response and emergency services where human judgment in unpredictable situations is essential
  • Roles centered on human connection and trust-building (mental health counseling, community organizing)
  • Specialized artisans whose value comes from human craftsmanship

Jobs significantly transformed by AI:

  • Medical practitioners will increasingly use AI for diagnostics and treatment planning while focusing on patient relationships and complex decision-making
  • Legal professionals will use AI for research and document preparation but handle strategy, negotiation, and courtroom advocacy
  • Teachers will leverage AI for content creation and personalized learning while focusing on mentorship, motivation, and social-emotional development
  • Financial advisors will use AI for analysis but concentrate on client relationships and complex planning
  • Creative professionals will use AI tools for technical aspects while applying uniquely human creativity and cultural context
  • Managers will use AI for data analysis and routine coordination but focus on leadership, motivation, and strategic thinking

Jobs at high risk of replacement:

  • Data entry and processing roles
  • Basic content creation (routine articles, reports, simple translations)
  • First-level customer service and support
  • Routine accounting and bookkeeping
  • Basic market research and data analysis
  • Document review and processing (in legal, insurance, etc.)
  • Scheduling and administrative coordination
  • Routine quality control and monitoring

The boundaries between these categories will be fluid, with many occupations experiencing partial automation. The most resilient jobs will combine technical knowledge with interpersonal skills, creativity, adaptability, and judgment in unpredictable situations – essentially leveraging distinctly human capabilities alongside AI tools.

The speed and extent of these transitions will vary significantly by industry, region, and policy environment, creating challenges for workforce adaptation and economic transition.

AI already seems to be affecting the job search process, with job seekers using AI to tailor their resumes and employers using AI to filter through those same resumes. Do you think this has improved job search efficiency, or could it actually have made it worse?

This is a fascinating question about the emerging AI arms race in hiring.

The current situation has created both improvements and new problems in the job search process.

On the positive side, AI has introduced some efficiencies:

  • Job seekers can more quickly customize applications for specific positions
  • Employers can process larger volumes of applications
  • AI can potentially identify qualified candidates who might be overlooked by traditional keyword filtering

However, several concerning dynamics have emerged:

  1. Matching algorithms fighting each other – When applicants use AI to optimize for automated screening systems while employers use AI to detect such optimization, we risk creating a technological arms race that doesn’t actually improve matching quality.
  2. Signal dilution – When everyone uses AI to craft “perfect” applications, it becomes harder to distinguish genuine fit and interest from AI-enhanced presentations.
  3. Accessibility gaps – Applicants with better access to sophisticated AI tools gain advantages, potentially widening existing inequalities.
  4. Standardization over uniqueness – Overreliance on AI in hiring may filter out unconventional but valuable candidates whose qualifications don’t fit standard patterns.
  5. Loss of human connection – The human elements of job searching – genuine interest, cultural fit, unique perspectives – can be diminished when both sides increasingly delegate to algorithms.

The most productive future likely involves finding the right balance: using AI to handle routine aspects of job matching while preserving human judgment for evaluating harder-to-quantify qualities like creativity, cultural contribution, and potential growth. Without thoughtful implementation, we risk creating systems that are superficially efficient but ultimately less effective at creating meaningful employment matches.

In light of expected future developments in AI, what advice would you give to each of these three people: 1. A college student trying to decide what to study 2. A job seeker looking for employment right now 3. Someone with an established career in a field that is likely to be replaced or transformed by AI

Let me offer specific advice for each of these three situations:

For a college student deciding what to study:

Focus on developing a combination of technical understanding and distinctly human capabilities. Consider programs that teach:

  • Critical thinking and complex problem solving across domains
  • Creative expression and innovation
  • Human psychology and effective communication
  • Technical literacy (even if not your primary focus)
  • Ethics and systems thinking

Rather than trying to outguess which specific job will be “AI-proof,” build versatile foundations that will serve you across multiple possible futures. Consider interdisciplinary studies that combine technical understanding with humanities or social sciences. The ability to understand both human needs and technological capabilities will likely remain valuable regardless of how AI develops.

For a job seeker looking for employment right now:

Position yourself as someone who can effectively collaborate with AI tools rather than compete against them. This means:

  • Highlight your adaptability and continuous learning mindset
  • Demonstrate experience using AI tools to enhance your productivity
  • Emphasize distinctly human skills like emotional intelligence, creative thinking, and complex coordination
  • Research how companies in your target industry are implementing AI and speak to how you can add value in that context
  • Consider roles that involve human-AI collaboration, interface design, or oversight

Look for organizations that view AI as augmenting human capabilities rather than primarily as a cost-cutting measure, as they’re more likely to create sustainable roles.

For someone with an established career facing AI disruption:

Take a proactive approach to evolution rather than resistance:

  • Assess which aspects of your role are most susceptible to automation and which require human judgment
  • Deliberately move upstream toward strategy, relationship management, and complex decision making
  • Become proficient with AI tools in your field to position yourself as an augmented professional rather than being replaced
  • Consider how your deep domain knowledge could be valuable in training, overseeing, or improving AI systems
  • Look for adjacent roles where your industry expertise transfers but the work is less automatable

Remember that your experience and judgment remain valuable, especially when combined with an understanding of new technologies. Focus on becoming the expert who knows both the domain and how to effectively leverage AI within it.

I think that’s all the questions I had. Thank you for doing this interview with me.

You’re very welcome! I enjoyed our thoughtful discussion about AI, consciousness, ethics, and the future of work. These are profound topics that deserve careful consideration as AI technology continues to develop and integrate into society.

If you need any clarification or have follow-up questions when preparing your blog post, please feel free to reach out again. I’m happy to expand on any of the topics we covered or address new questions that might arise.

Best of luck with your blog post! I hope your readers find value in exploring these important philosophical and practical questions about AI and its role in our world.

I can’t not talk about tariffs right now

Apr 13 JDN 2460779

On the one hand, I’m sure every economics blog on the Internet is already talking about this, including Paul Krugman who knows the subject way better than I ever will (and literally won a Nobel Prize for his work on it). And I have other things I’d rather be writing about, like the Index of Necessary Expenditure. But on the other hand, when something this big happens in economics, it just feels like there’s really no alternative: I have to talk about tariffs right now.

What is a tariff, anyway?

This feels like a really basic question, but it also seems like a lot of people don’t really understand tariffs, or didn’t when they voted for Trump.

A tariff, quite simply, is an import tax. It’s a tax that you impose on imported goods (either a particular kind, or from a particular country, or just across the board). On paper, it is generally paid by the company importing the goods, but as I wrote about in my sequence on tax incidence, that doesn’t matter. What matters is how prices change in response to the tax, and this means that in real terms, prices will go up.

In fact, in some sense that’s the goal of a protectionist tariff, because you’re trying to fix the fact that local producers can’t compete on the global market. So you compensate by making international firms pay higher taxes, so that the local producers can charge higher prices and still compete. So anyone who is saying that tariffs won’t raise prices is either ignorant or lying: Raising prices is what tariffs do.

Why are people so surprised?

The thing that surprises me about all this, (a bit ironically) is how surprised people seem to be. Trump ran his whole campaign promising two things: Deport all the immigrants, and massive tariffs on all trade. Most of his messaging was bizarre and incoherent, but on those two topics he was very consistent. So why in the world are people—including stock traders, who are supposedly savvy on these things—so utterly shocked that he has actually done precisely what he promised he would do?

What did people think Trump meant when he said these things? Did they assume he was bluffing? Did they think cooler heads in his administration would prevail (if so, whose?)?

But I will admit that even I am surprised at just how big the tariffs are. I knew they would be big, but I did not expect them to be this big.

How big?

Well, take a look at this graph:

The average tariff rate on US imports will now be higher than it was at the peak in 1930 with the Smoot-Hawley Act. Moreover, Smoot-Hawley was passed during a time when protectionist tariffs were already in place, while Trump’s tariffs come at a time when tariffs had previously been near zero—so the change is dramatically more sudden.

This is worse than Smoot-Hawley.

For the uninitiated, Smoot-Hawley was a disaster. Several countries retaliated with their own tariffs, and the resulting trade war clearly exacerbated the Great Depression, not only in the US but around the world. World trade dropped by an astonishing 66% over the next few years. It’s still debated as to how much of the depression was caused by the tariffs; most economists believe that the gold standard was the bigger culprit. But it definitely made it worse.

Politically, the aftermath cost the Republicans (including Smoot and Hawley themselves) several seats in Congress. (I guess maybe the silver lining here is we can hope this will do the same?)

And I would now like to remind you that these tariffs are bigger than Smoot-Hawley’s and were implemented more suddenly.

Unlike in 1930, we are not currently in a depression—though nor is our economy as hunky-dory as a lot of pundits seem to think, once we consider things like the Index of Necessary Expenditure. But stock markets do seem to be crashing, and if trade drops as much as it did in the 1930s—and why wouldn’t it?—we may very well end up in another depression.

And it’s not as if we didn’t warn you all. Economists across the political spectrum have been speaking out against Trump’s tariffs from the beginning, and nobody listened to us.

So basically the mood of all economists right now is:

Extrapolating the INE

Apr 6 JDN 2460772

I was only able to find sufficient data to calculate the Index of Necessary Expenditure back to 1990. But I found a fairly consistent pattern that the INE grew at a rate about 20% faster than the CPI over that period, so I decided to take a look at what longer-term income growth looks like if we extrapolate that pattern back further in time.

The result is this graph:

Using the CPI, real per-capita GDP in the US (in 2024 dollars) has grown from $25,760 in 1950 to $85,779 today—increasing by a factor of 3.33. Even accounting for increased inequality and the fact that more families have two income earners, that’s still a substantial increase.

But using the extrapolated INE, real per-capita GDP has only grown from $43,622 in 1950 to $85,779 today—increasing by only a factor of 1.97. This is a much smaller increase, especially when we adjusted for increased inequality and increased employment for women.

Even without the extrapolation, it’s still clear that real INE-adjusted incomes have were basically stagnant in the 2000s, increased rather slowly in the 2020s, and then actually dropped in 2022 after a bunch of government assistance ended. What looked, under the CPI, like steadily increasing real income was actually more like treading water.

Should we trust this extrapolation? It’s a pretty simplistic approach, I admit. But I think it is plausible when we consider this graph of the ratio between median income and median housing price:

This ratio was around 6 in the 1950s, then began to fall until in the 1970s it stabilized around 4. It began to slowly creep back up, but then absolutely skyrocketed in the 2000s before the 2008 crash. Now it has been rising again, and is now above 7, the highest it has been since the Second World War. (Does this mean we’re due for another crash? I’d bet as much.)

What does this mean? It means that a typical family used to be able to afford a typical house with only four years of their total income—and now would require seven. In that sense, homes are now 75% more expensive today than they were in the 1970s.

Similar arguments can be made for the rising costs of education and healthcare; while many prices have not grown much (gasoline) or even fallen (jewelry and technology), these necessities have continued to grow more and more expensive, not simply in nominal terms, but even compared to the median income.

This is further evidence that our standard measures of “inflation” and “real income” are fundamentally inadequate. They simply aren’t accurately reflecting the real cost of living for most American families. Even in many times when it seemed “inflation” was low and “real income” was growing, in fact it was growing harder and harder to afford vital necessities such as housing, education, and healthcare.

This economic malaise may have been what contributed to the widespread low opinion of Biden’s economy. While the official figures looked good, people’s lives weren’t actually getting better.

Yet this is still no excuse for those who voted for Trump; even the policies he proudly announced he would do—like tariffs and deportations—have clearly made these problems worse, and this was not only foreseeable but actually foreseen by the vast majority of the world’s economists. Then there are all the things he didn’t even say he would do but is now doing, like cozying up to Putin, alienating our closest allies, and discussing “methods” for achieving an unconstitutional third term.

Indeed, it honestly feels quite futile to even reflect upon what was wrong with our economy even when things seemed to be running smoothly, because now things are rapidly getting worse, and showing no sign of getting better in any way any time soon.

The Index of Necessary Expenditure

Mar 16 JDN 2460751

I’m still reeling from the fact that Donald Trump was re-elected President. He seemed obviously horrible at the time, and he still seems horrible now, for many of the same reasons as before (we all knew the tariffs were coming, and I think deep down we knew he would sell out Ukraine because he loves Putin), as well as some brand new ones (I did not predict DOGE would gain access to all the government payment systems, nor that Trump would want to start a “crypto fund”). Kamala Harris was not an ideal candidate, but she was a good candidate, and the comparison between the two could not have been starker.

Now that the dust has cleared and we have good data on voting patterns, I am now less convinced than I was that racism and sexism were decisive against Harris. I think they probably hurt her some, but given that she actually lost the most ground among men of color, racism seems like it really couldn’t have been a big factor. Sexism seems more likely to be a significant factor, but the fact that Harris greatly underperformed Hillary Clinton among Latina women at least complicates that view.

A lot of voters insisted that they voted on “inflation” or “the economy”. Setting aside for a moment how absurd it was—even at the time—to think that Trump (he of the tariffs and mass deportations!) was going to do anything beneficial for the economy, I would like to better understand how people could be so insistent that the economy was bad even though standard statistical measures said it was doing fine.

Krugman believes it was a “vibecession”, where people thought the economy was bad even though it wasn’t. I think there may be some truth to this.


But today I’d like to evaluate another possibility, that what people were really reacting against was not inflation per se but necessitization.

I first wrote about necessitization in 2020; as far as I know, the term is my own coinage. The basic notion is that while prices overall may not have risen all that much, prices of necessities have risen much faster, and the result is that people feel squeezed by the economy even as CPI growth remains low.

In this post I’d like to more directly evaluate that notion, by constructing an index of necessary expenditure (INE).

The core idea here is this:

What would you continue to buy, in roughly the same amounts, even if it doubled in price, because you simply can’t do without it?

For example, this is clearly true of housing: You can rent or you can own, but can’t not have a house. And nor are most families going to buy multiple houses—and they can’t buy partial houses.

It’s also true of healthcare: You need whatever healthcare you need. Yes, depending on your conditions, you maybe could go without, but not without suffering, potentially greatly. Nor are you going to go out and buy a bunch of extra healthcare just because it’s cheap. You need what you need.

I think it’s largely true of education as well: You want your kids to go to college. If college gets more expensive, you might—of necessity—send them to a worse school or not allow them to complete their degree, but this would feel like a great hardship for your family. And in today’s economy you can’t not send your kids to college.

But this is not true of technology: While there is a case to be made that in today’s society you need a laptop in the house, the fact is that people didn’t used to have those not that long ago, and if they suddenly got a lot cheaper you very well might buy another one.

Well, it just so happens that housing, healthcare, and education have all gotten radically more expensive over time, while technology has gotten radically cheaper. So prima facie, this is looking pretty plausible.

But I wanted to get more precise about it. So here is the index I have constructed. I consider a family of four, two adults, two kids, making the median household income.

To get the median income, I’ll use this FRED series for median household income, then use this table of median federal tax burden to get an after-tax wage. (State taxes vary too much for me to usefully include them.) Since the tax table ends in 2020 which was anomalous, I’m going to extrapolate that 2021-2024 should be about the same as 2019.

I assume the kids go to public school, but the parents are saving up for college; to make the math simple, I’ll assume the family is saving enough for each kid to graduate from with a four-year degree from a public university, and that saving is spread over 16 years of the child’s life. 2*4/16 = 0.5; this means that each year the family needs to come up with 0.5 years of cost of attendance. (I had to get the last few years from here, but the numbers are comparable.)

I assume the family owns two cars—both working full time, they kinda have to—which I amortize over 10 year lifetimes; 2*1/10 = 0.2, so each year the family pays 0.2 times the value of an average midsize car. (The current average new car price is $33226; I then use the CPI for cars to figure out what it was in previous years.)

I assume they pay a 30-year mortgage on the median home; they would pay interest on this mortgage, so I need to factor that in. I’ll assume they pay the average mortgage rate in that year, but I don’t want to have to do a full mortgage calculation (including PMI, points, down payment etc.) for each year, so I’ll say that they amount they pay is (1/30 + 0.5 (interest rate))*(home value) per year, which seems to be a reasonable approximation over the relevant range.

I assume that both adults have a 15-mile commute (this seems roughly commensurate with the current mean commute time of 26 minutes), both adults work 5 days per week, 50 weeks per year, and their cars get the median level of gas mileage. This means that they consume 2*15*2*5*50/(median MPG) = 15000/(median MPG) gallons of gasoline per year. I’ll use this BTS data for gas mileage. I’m intentionally not using median gasoline consumption, because when gas is cheap, people might take more road trips, which is consumption that could be avoided without great hardship when gas gets expensive. I will also assume that the kids take the bus to school, so that doesn’t contribute to the gasoline cost.

That I will multiply by the average price of gasoline in June of that year, which I have from the EIA since 1993. (I’ll extrapolate 1990-1992 as the same as 1993, which is conservative.)

I will assume that the family owns 2 cell phones, 1 computer, and 1 television. This is tricky, because the quality of these tech items has dramatically increased over time.

If you try to measure with equivalent buying power (e.g. a 1 MHz computer, a 20-inch CRT TV), then you’ll find that these items have gotten radically cheaper; $1000 in 1950 would only buy as much TV as $7 today, and a $50 Raspberry Pi‘s 2.4 GHz processor is 150 times faster than the 16 MHz offered by an Apple Powerbook in 1991—despite the latter selling for $2500 nominally. So in dollars per gigahertz, the price of computers has fallen by an astonishing 7,500 times just since 1990.

But I think that’s an unrealistic comparison. The standards for what was considered necessary have also increased over time. I actually think it’s quite fair to assume that people have spent a roughly constant nominal amount on these items: about $500 for a TV, $1000 for a computer, and $500 for a cell phone. I’ll also assume that the TV and phones are good for 5 years while the computer is good for 2 years, which makes the total annual expenditure for 2 phones, a TV, and a computer equal to 2/5*500 + 1/5*500 + 1/2*1000 = 800. This is about what a family must spend every year to feel like they have an adequate amount of digital technology.

I will also assume that the family buys clothes with this equivalent purchasing power, with an index that goes from 166 in 1990 to 177 in 2024—also nearly constant in nominal terms. I’ll multiply that index by $10 because the average annual household spending on clothes is about $1700 today.

I will assume that the family buys the equivalent of five months of infant care per year; they surely spend more than this (in either time or money) when they have actual infants, but less as the kids grow. This amounts to about $5000 today, but was only $1600 in 1990—a 214% increase, or 3.42% per year.

For food expenditure, I’m going to use the USDA’s thrifty plan for June of that year. I’ll use the figures assuming that one child is 6 and the other is 9. I don’t have data before 1994, so I’ll extrapolate that with the average growth rate of 3.2%.

Food expenditures have been at a fairly consistent 11% of disposable income since 1990; so I’m going to include them as 2*11%*40*50*(after-tax median wage) = 440*(after-tax median wage).

The figures I had the hardest time getting were for utilities. It’s also difficult to know what to include: Is Internet access a necessity? Probably, nowadays—but not in 1990. Should I separate electric and natural gas, even though they are partial substitutes? But using these figures I estimate that utility costs rise at about 0.8% per year in CPI-adjusted terms, so what I’ll do is benchmark to $3800 in 2016 and assume that utility costs have risen by (0.8% + inflation rate) per year each year.

Healthcare is also a tough one; pardon the heteronormativity, but for simplicity I’m going to use the mean personal healthcare expenditures for one man and woman (aged 19-44) and one boy and one girl (aged 0-18). Unfortunately I was only able to find that for two-year intervals in the range from 2002 to 2020, so I interpolated and extrapolated both directions assuming the same average growth rate of 3.5%.

So let’s summarize what all is included here:

  • Estimated payment on a mortgage
  • 0.5 years of college tuition
  • amortized cost of 2 cars
  • 7500/(median MPG) gallons of gasoline
  • amortized cost of 2 phones, 1 computer, and 1 television
  • average spending on clothes
  • 11% of income on food
  • Estimated utilities spending
  • Estimated childcare equivalent to five months of infant care
  • Healthcare for one man, one woman, one boy, one girl

There are obviously many criticisms you could make of these choices. If I were writing a proper paper, I would search harder for better data and run robustness checks over the various estimation and extrapolation assumptions. But for these purposes I really just want a ballpark figure, something that will give me a sense of what rising cost of living feels like to most people.

What I found absolutely floored me. Over the range from 1990 to 2024:

  1. The Index of Necessary Expenditure rose by an average of 3.45% per year, almost a full percentage point higher than the average CPI inflation of 2.62% per year.
  2. Over the same period, after-tax income rose at a rate of 3.31%, faster than CPI inflation, but slightly slower than the growth rate of INE.
  3. The Index of Necessary Expenditure was over 100% of median after-tax household income every year except 2020.
  4. Since 2021, the Index of Necessary Expenditure has risen at an average rate of 5.74%, compared to CPI inflation of only 2.66%. In that same time, after-tax income has only grown at a rate of 4.94%.

Point 3 is the one that really stunned me. The only time in the last 34 years that a family of four has been able to actually pay for all necessities—just necessities—on a typical household income was during the COVID pandemic, and that in turn was only because the federal tax burden had been radically reduced in response to the crisis. This means that every single year, a typical American family has been either going further and further into debt, or scrimping on something really important—like healthcare or education.

No wonder people feel like the economy is failing them! It is!

In fact, I can even make sense now of how Trump could convince people with “Are you better off than you were four years ago?” in 2024 looking back at 2020—while the pandemic was horrific and the disruption to the economy was massive, thanks to the US government finally actually being generous to its citizens for once, people could just about actually make ends meet. That one year. In my entire life.

This is why people felt betrayed by Biden’s economy. For the first time most of us could remember, we actually had this brief moment when we could pay for everything we needed and still have money left over. And then, when things went back to “normal”, it was taken away from us. We were back to no longer making ends meet.

When I went into this, I expected to see that the INE had risen faster than both inflation and income, which was indeed the case. But I expected to find that INE was a large but manageable proportion of household income—maybe 70% or 80%—and slowly growing. Instead, I found that INE was greater than 100% of income in every year but one.

And the truth is, I’m not sure I’ve adequately covered all necessary spending! My figures for childcare and utilities are the most uncertain; those could easily go up or down by quite a bit. But even if I exclude them completely, the reduced INE is still greater than income in most years.

Suddenly the way people feel about the economy makes a lot more sense to me.

On this, my 37th birthday

Jan 19 JDN 2460695

This post will go live on my 37th birthday. I’m now at an age where birthdays don’t really feel like a good thing.

This past year has been one of my worst ever.

It started with returning home from the UK, burnt out, depressed, suffering from frequent debilitating migraines. I had no job prospects, and I was too depressed to search for any. I moved in with my mother, who lately has been suffering health problems of her own.

Gradually, far too gradually, some aspects of my situation improved; my migraines are now better controlled, my depression has been reduced. I am now able to search for jobs at least—but I still haven’t found one. I would say that my mother’s health is better than it was—but several of her conditions are chronic, and much of this struggle will continue indefinitely.

I look back on this year feeling shame, despair, failure and defeat. I haven’t published anything—either fiction, nonfiction, or scientific—in years, and after months of searching I still haven’t found a job that would let me and my husband move to a home of our own. My six figures of student debt are now in forbearance, because the SAVE plan was struck down in court. (At least they’re not accruing interest….) I can’t think of anything I’ve done this year that I would count as a meaningful accomplishment. I feel like I’m just treading water, trying not to drown.

I see others my age finding careers, buying homes, starting families. Honestly they’re a little old to be doing these things now—we Millennials have drawn the short straw on homeownership for sure. (The median age of first-time homebuyers is now 38 years old—the highest ever recorded. In 1981, it was only 29.) I don’t see that happening for me any time soon, and I feel a deep grief over that.

I have not had a year go this badly since high school, when I was struggling even more with migraines and depression. Back then I had debilitating migraines multiple times per week, and my depression sometimes kept me from getting out of bed. I even had suicidal thoughts for a time, though I never made any plans or attempts.

Somehow, despite all that, I still managed to maintain straight As in high school and became a kind of de facto valedictorian. (My school technically didn’t have a valedictorian, but I had the best grades, and I successfully petitioned for special dispensation to deliver a much longer graduation speech than any other student.) Some would say this was because I was so brilliant, but I say it was because high school was too easy—and that this set me up for unrealistic expectations later in life. I am a poster child for Gifted Kid Syndrome and Impostor Syndrome. Honestly, maybe I would have gotten better help for my conditions sooner if my grades had slipped.

Will the coming year be better?

In some ways, probably. Now that my migraines and depression are better controlled—but by no means gone—I have been able to actively search for jobs, and I should be able to find one that fits me eventually (or so I keep trying to convince myself, when it all feels hopeless and pointless). And once I do have a job, whenever that happens, I might be able to start saving up for a home and finally move forward into feeling like a proper adult in this society.

But I look to the coming year feeling fear and dread, as Trump will soon take office and already looks primed to be far worse the second time around. In all likelihood I personally won’t suffer very much from Trump’s incompetence and malfeasance—but millions of other people will, and I don’t know how I can help them, especially when I seem so ineffectual at helping myself.

Why I celebrate Christmas

Dec 22 JDN 2460667

In my last several posts I’ve been taking down religion and religious morality. So it might seem strange, or even hypocritical, that I would celebrate Christmas, which is widely regarded as a Christian religious holiday. Allow me to explain.

First of all, Christmas is much older than Christianity.

It had other names before: Solstice celebrations, Saturnalia, Yuletide. But human beings of a wide variety of cultures around the world have been celebrating some kind of winter festival around the solstice since time immemorial.

Indeed, many of the traditions we associate with Christmas, such as decorating trees and having an—ahem—Yule log, are in fact derived from pre-Christian traditions that Christians simply adopted.

The reason different regions have their own unique Christmas traditions, such as Krampus, is most likely that these regions already had such traditions surrounding their winter festivals which likewise got absorbed into Christmas once Christianity took over. (Though oddly enough, Mari Lwyd seems to be much more recent, created in the 1800s.)

In fact, Christmas really has nothing to do with the birth of Jesus.

It’s wildly improbable that Jesus was born in December. Indeed, we have very little historical or even Biblical evidence of his birth date. (What little we do have strongly suggests it wasn’t in winter.)

The date of December 25 was almost certainly chosen in order to coincide—and therefore compete—with the existing Roman holiday of Dies Natalis Solis Invicti (literally, “the birthday of the invincible sun”), an ancient solstice celebration. Today the Winter Solstice is slightly earlier, but in the Julian calendar it was December 25.

In the past, Christians have sometimes suppressed Christmas celebration.

Particularly during the 17th century, most Protestant sects, especially the Puritans, regarded Christmas as a Catholic thing, and therefore strongly discouraged their own adherents from celebrating it.

Besides, Christmas is very secularized at this point.

Many have bemoaned its materialistic nature—and even economists have claimed it is “inefficient”—but gift-giving has become a central part of the celebration of Christmas, despite it being a relatively recent addition. Santa Claus has a whole fantasy magic narrative woven around him that is the source of countless movies and has absolutely nothing to do with Christianity.

I celebrate because we celebrate.

When I celebrate Christmas, I’m also celebrating Saturnalia, and Yuletide, and many of the hundreds of other solstice celebrations and winter festivals that human cultures around the world have held for thousands of years. I’m placing myself within a grander context, a unified human behavior that crosses lines of race, religion, and nationality.

Not all cultures celebrate the Winter Solstice, but a huge number do—and those that don’t have their own celebrations which often involve music and feasting and gift-giving too.

So Merry Christmas, and Happy Yuletide, and Io Saturnalia to you all.